IEEE JOURNAL OF SELECTED TOPICS IN QUANTUM ELECTRONICS, VOL. 6, NO. 6, NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2000
885
Ion Lasers—The Early Years
William B. Bridges
, Life Fellow, IEEE
Invited Paper
Abstract—
This paper is a personal, anecdotal history of the dis-
covery and early development of ion lasers, particularly the argon
ion laser. A brief discussion of the mechanisms that make this laser
work, and the engineering challenges and developments that make
it practical are included. Some early applications in night recon-
naissance and imaging are included.
I. W
HAT
T
HIS
P
APER IS
A
BOUT
W
HEN I was invited to write a paper on the early days
of ion lasers for this special issue, I hesitated. So much
was done by so many people so long ago, that it seemed impos-
sible to put it all into a single paper with any kind of balance.
In the end, I decided to write about the early days from a per-
sonal perspective, rather than try to include all developments in
all the organizations. If I can convey the rampant excitement of
those early years that surrounded the ion laser, both its devel-
opment as a device and its prospects for application, then I will
have succeeded, even if the perspective is that of a researcher
in a large aerospace company, driven by military applications.
Someone else will have to write the story of the rise and fall of
the commercial laser manufacturers and applications that even-
tually came to dominate the marketplace (and all the interesting
lawsuits over intellectual property that ensued).
Perhaps this perspective is not too bad for the very early days
of ion lasers, since most of the players were researchers in large
systems organizations: Hughes, Bell Telephone Laboratories,
Raytheon, RCA. Only Spectra Physics, then a relatively small
company, newly formed by people from Varian Associates but
growing rapidly as a successful manufacturer of helium–neon
lasers, was “commercial.” Bankrolling the research and devel-
opment was the Department of Defense. (Even Spectra Physics
had contracts from the Air Force). This was psychologically a
different era. It never crossed my mind to leave Hughes and seek
venture capital to start up a small ion laser manufacturing com-
pany, something that would happen in an instant if it were dis-
covered today! So perhaps this paper can serve as a window on
those earlier times, as well as a partial record of the technical
history.
I have included the mistakes and side alleys, as well as suc-
cesses and the mainstream. I believe it is important for engineers
to know that progress is not made in a simple straight line of
successes (although that is always what we write in proposals
Manuscript received September 26, 2000.
The author is with the California Institute of Technology, Pasadena, CA
91125 USA.
Publisher Item Identifier S 1077-260X(00)11498-4.
for new work!) I have chosen to include people and their first-
hand interactions in this account. History is made by people, not
organizations or projects or programs. The risk of including in-
dividuals in any narrative is that you will leave someone out. I
admit up front that I have “left out” literally hundreds of people,
even from these earliest days (check the bibliographies of any
of the summary articles listed in the References). To these, I can
only say “I’m sorry...But those were really great times, weren’t
they?”
II. I
N THE
B
EGINNING WAS
M
ERCURY
Strictly speaking, the first ion laser was Maiman’s ruby laser
in 1960, since the energy levels involved are those of triply ion-
ized chromium, Cr
, albeit in an aluminum-oxide crystal host.
But this paper is about ions that lase in a gaseous or vapor form,
and the first of these was singly ionized mercury, Hg
, demon-
strated in late 1963 by W. Earl Bell of Spectra Physics [1]. He
obtained oscillation at 615 nm in the red–orange, and 568 nm
in the green, as well as two infrared lines at 735 and 1058 nm,
in a pulsed helium–mercury discharge. These four wavelengths
were known to originate from energy levels in singly ionized
mercury, making them members of the “second spectrum” of
mercury, Hg II. The reported output power was of the order of
tens of Watts for microseconds, and the repetition rate was high
enough to make the laser output quite visible by scattering from
dust in the air. Fig. 1 appeared (in color) in a Spectra Physics ad-
vertisement in 1964, and shows Bell posed next to a laboratory
mercury ion laser with a striking green laser beam exiting. (This
figure is one of many in my “A Boy and His Laser” photograph
collection.)
Since this was the first green laser, it created a bit of
excitement, at least in the organization I then worked for, the
Hughes Research Laboratories (HRL) of the Hughes Aircraft
Company, and I decided to make one in my laboratory. My
scientific “excuse” was that Bell had not speculated in his
paper on the mechanisms involved that lead to the oscillation. I
had been studying mechanisms, particularly those in mixtures
of gases, so it was a natural extension to look at this new laser.
Recall that the well-known red helium–neon laser uses resonant
collisional exchange between the helium singlet metastable
levels and neon atoms to preferentially excite the neon upper
level. However, many other neutral noble gas transitions were
known to oscillate in mixtures with helium without any particular
resonant process involved. In 1963, I was looking at mechanisms
in the strong 3.5-
m neutral line in xenon, and concluded
that helium was helpful but not necessary for oscillation or
1077–260X/00$10.00 © 2000 IEEE
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IEEE JOURNAL OF SELECTED TOPICS IN QUANTUM ELECTRONICS, VOL. 6, NO. 6, NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2000
Fig. 1.
W. Earl Bell and his green mercury ion laser (from a color brochure
from Spectra Physics, circa 1965).
high optical gain [2]. Thus it was natural to try to figure out
what role, if any, the helium played in the helium–mercury
ion laser.
I had the HRL glass shop build a discharge tube similar to
Bell’s, and on February 7, 1964, I duplicated Bell’s pulsed os-
cillation on 615 and 568 nm with a small amount of mercury
in a helium discharge. The mercury pressure was controlled by
immersing a glass side-arm in a dewar of liquid nitrogen. I used
a high-voltage high-current pulse generator, left over from ear-
lier microwave vacuum tube research at Hughes. This pulser
could generate square voltage pulses up to eight microseconds in
length, without the decaying current “tails” typical of a simple
capacitor discharge. The first thing I noted was that the green
and red lines began to oscillate several microseconds after the
discharge current ended, that is, in the discharge “afterglow,”
and the green and red lines did not oscillate simultaneously in
time. This suggested that some kind of transfer of excitation
from atom to atom was involved in the excitation process, rather
than electron collision. The “afterglow” nature of the output
suggested that high-power CW operation was not likely, since
the absence of electrons seemed to be required. Actually, my
thinking along these lines was by analogy with the helium–neon
system, in which continuous low-power operation can be ob-
tained, but much higher powers can be obtained in the afterglow
of pulsed discharges (see, e.g., [3, Sec. 2.3.1.4]).
Early the next week, I swung by Bell Telephone Laborato-
ries (BTL) on the way to business visits at NASA Goddard and
Wright–Patterson AFB. I visited Eugene I. Gordon at Bell, and
discussed my Hg laser results with him, noting that the afterglow
output suggested that this would not make a good candidate for
a CW laser. He agreed. I told Gene that I was planning on trying
neon instead of helium, to see if there was a resonance in the
transfer of excitation. He told me that J. Dane Rigden, a former
BTL colleague now at Perkin–Elmer Corporation had also built
a pulsed He–Hg
laser and had substituted neon for the helium,
with the result that the mercury ion lines continued to oscillate.
It seemed clear that there was nothing “resonant” about helium
collisions. He suggested that I try argon as well as neon as a fur-
ther test of this “nonresonance.”
When I got back to HRL at the end of that week, I tried
Rigden’s experiment myself. The resulting neon–mercury dis-
charge also produced the 568-nm line (but not the 615-nm line),
thus demonstrating that resonant collisions with helium were
not involved, at least for the green line. The appearance of this
laser was quite striking, since the green laser output now exited a
bright pink discharge. As the “clincher” experiment mentioned
above, I tried using argon instead of helium as the buffer gas.
While I had bottles of spectroscopic-grade helium, neon, and
xenon already on my laser process station from previous exper-
iments, I did not have argon. It would have taken a week or so
to have the glass blower attach a flask of spectroscopic-grade
argon, so I asked my technical assistant, Robert B. Hodge, to
see if he could scare up a cylinder of welding-grade argon. This
we attached to the process station via a rubber hose. For reasons
I do not understand, this experiment to make an argon–mercury
ion laser failed. Others succeeded [4], [5]. But thinking that I
had already proven the point with neon, I simply pumped out
the discharge tube and refilled it with helium. It was Valentine’s
Day, February 14, 1964.
III. A
ND
T
HEN
T
HERE
W
AS
A
RGON
It took a couple of flushes with helium to turn the discharge
from the blue of ionized argon to the violet–white of helium.
The red and green outputs of the laser were again displayed on
the laboratory wall through a transmission grating at the end of
the optical bench. But now there was another line on the wall
that appeared “turquoise” and with a brightness equal to that
of the red and green mercury lines! A quick measurement with
the 0.5-meter scanning spectrometer in the laboratory gave the
wavelength as 488 nm (with about 0.2-nm accuracy). The time
behavior was strikingly different. This blue line oscillated ex-
actly with the current pulse, while the red and green mercury
lines remained in the afterglow. Given the dubious purity of the
welding tank and rubber hose filling system, it was not immedi-
ately certain that the line originated from argon. After the min-
utes it took to do the above measurements, I left Hodge in the
laboratory to look after the laser (we were afraid to turn it off),
and headed for the library downstairs at HRL. The MIT Wave-
length Tables [6] listed a line at this wavelength, but without
notation as to the source: Ar I (neutral) or Ar II (singly ion-
ized). I could not lay my hands quickly on a decent reference
for the second spectrum of argon. (I did not discover the ex-
cellent monograph by L. Minnhagen [7] in the Swedish journal
Arkiv Physik until some months later.)
In about half an hour, I returned to my laboratory, where the
laser was still running. At this point, we decided to flush the
discharge tube a few more times with helium, and indeed, the
blue 488-nm line gradually went away, leaving only the red and
green lines of mercury. Then we reproduced it by going through
the same process as before, with argon from the welding tank.
We also noted that we could make the Hg II lines disappear by
freezing out the mercury in a side-arm of the discharge tube
BRIDGES: ION LASERS—THE EARLY YEARS
887
Fig. 2. The author and argon ion laser number two, February, 1964.
with liquid nitrogen. At this point, I went running through the
hallways, dragging my supervisor, Donald C. Forster, and others
down to the lab to see “the blue laser.” By the end of the day,
we had an order placed with the HRL glass shop for an identical
tube, but with no mercury!
The new tube was ready in a couple of days, and we filled it
with helium (mostly) and argon (just a little bit). To our surprise,
we now had
five
wavelengths oscillating, from green (515 nm)
to blue (476 nm), including the previously observed 488-nm
“turquoise” line. Evidently, the “contamination” from mercury
had degraded the discharge conditions for the other four lines in
the previous tube. All of these lines oscillated coincident with
the discharge current pulse. The total peak power output was
estimated on the order of 1 W, with the discharge running 30 A
current in 5-
s pulses at 70 pps. Fig. 2 is another “A Boy and His
Laser” photo, of this tube about a week after it was turned on for
the first time. (Incidentally, the Smithsonian Institution called
years later to see if “the first argon ion laser” was available for
donation. We told them it was contaminated with mercury and
we had thrown it away. They were uninterested in “tube number
two.”)
It was clear that we needed more accurate wavelength mea-
surements than we could obtain with the 0.5-m scanning in-
strument in our laboratory. A 2-m photographic Bausch and
Lomb (B&L) spectrometer was available at the other end of the
building. It was also clear that it would be difficult to move ei-
ther the laser (attached to its process station) or the spectrom-
eter. But this was a laser! We directed the beam out the lab door,
down one hall, around a corner, down another hall, through an-
other lab to a second hall, and finally into the room housing the
B&L instrument. The path used seven mirrors in all, attached to
the metal walls with magnets or C-clamps, over 300 feet of total
path length. Of course, we were trying to keep all this “quiet”
until we could publish our results. We made the measurements
after hours, with telephone contact from our laser lab to James
K. Neeland running the B&L spectrometer.
But of course the HRL management knew of our discovery.
One of the HRL Department managers, Ronald Knechtli,
had left for a technical meeting in Europe, and was visiting
Thompson CSF Laboratories in France. We received a telegram
from him stating that he’d seen a laser with red, green, and blue
lines there in the laboratory of Guy Convert, and that we had
better publish quickly! And this is indeed what we did.
It is now clear that ionized argon was “an idea whose
time had come.” I am aware of three independent discoveries
of oscillation in ionized argon besides that at HRL. Convert
and his coworkers at CSF were doing the same thing I was
doing, adding argon to a mercury ion laser discharge. His
initial publication in Compt. Rendus [5] appeared a week
before my letter in
Applied Physics Letters
[8], [65], but he
reported only the existence of a blue line, without a correct
identification. He correctly identified the 488-nm line in a later
publication [9]. The second independent discovery was made
by Prof. William Bennett and his group at Yale University
[10], who were looking at argon as an ion laser possibility on
theoretical grounds, not as an additive to a mercury discharge.
Their “sudden perturbation” excitation process is described in
[10]. Bennett had submitted an earlier version of this paper to
Applied Physics Letters
, and it had the misfortune to “collide”
with mine in the Editor’s office. The editor rejected the Yale
paper, citing mine as priority. Reference [10] is actually a
second, more extensive, description of their work. The third
independent discovery was made, appropriately enough, by
W. Earl Bell, who was doing the same things that Convert and
I were doing, attempting to find out how the helium–mercury
laser really worked. Stanford Professor Robert L. Byer, then
a new graduate student at Stanford, and a new employee at
Spectra Physics, was given the task of identifying the blue line
that Earl had found. Byer identified the lines, but my paper
had just appeared, so Bell and Byer did not submit a formal
publication [4]. As far as I know, I was the only discoverer
to submit a patent disclosure on noble-gas ion lasers [11].
IV. A
ND
S
TILL
M
ORE
C
OLORS
During the course of our “long-distance spectroscopy,” we
were able to coax ten total visible wavelengths out of singly
ionized argon [8], and also 15 lines in singly ionized krypton
and six lines in singly ionized xenon [12]. In addition, we had
also recorded on the spectroscopic plates several lines that did
not seem to belong to argon, krypton, or xenon, and this was
a puzzle. In particular, there were four lines in the blue–violet
region that were strong, and occurred on plates for more than
one noble gas. I recall sitting in my living room at home and
searching through the MIT wavelength tables, when it struck me
that these four lines were from singly ionized oxygen! We had
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IEEE JOURNAL OF SELECTED TOPICS IN QUANTUM ELECTRONICS, VOL. 6, NO. 6, NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2000
used oxide-coated thermionic cathodes in our discharge tube.
The nickel cathode and filament assembly had been scavenged
from worn-out pulse tubes, Eimac 4PR60’s, the same vacuum
tubes used in our pulser. To rebuild these cathodes, they were
cleaned and then sprayed with a standard “oxide cathode” mix-
ture of powdered barium, strontium, and calcium carbonates in a
nitrocellulose binder. Under vacuum, the cathodes were heated
to drive off the binder, then decompose the carbonates to ox-
ides, and finally, liberate a monolayer of barium. This is a stan-
dard vacuum tube cathode, and HRL was well furnished with
this technology. In operation, these cathodes give off a little
oxygen as the barium evaporates. In a normal vacuum tube, this
is collected by a chemical “getter” built into the tube. Here, the
oxygen collected in the discharge and lased! And there were also
nitrogen and carbon atoms, left over from the nitrocellulose and
the carbonates, and these also lased as ions! We listed all these
lines in a more extensive publication on 118 different laser lines
we observed [13].
The laser wavelengths recorded on the photographic plates
were measured under a microscope for an estimated accuracy of
a few times 0.001 nm. This actually proved critical in identifying
one of the original ten argon laser lines (502 nm), which had a
“logical but incorrect” assignment only 0.05 nm away from an
“illogical but correct” assignment. These measurements were
made by Arthur N. Chester and myself, usually after normal
working hours. Chester was then a Howard Hughes Doctoral
Fellow, assigned part-time to our group at HRL, with classes at
Caltech during the day. He would check out the spectroscopic
references at the Caltech library during the day, make copies,
and then drive to HRL in Malibu for the evening. His major was
theoretical high-energy physics, and I was an electrical engi-
neer. Neither of us had any experience in practical spectroscopy,
so we “learned on the job.” I am certain that if a real spectro-
scopist could have looked over our shoulders, we would have
provided no end of amusement. We had recorded the iron spec-
trum on each plate (from a discharge between two nails near
the slit of the B&L spectrometer), along with the laser lines.
We worked our way across the iron spectrum, identifying each
line from the tables in my high school copy of the Handbook
of Chemistry and Physics [14]. Then we would interpolate the
laser wavelength between the nearest iron lines. Since iron is
such a “rich” spectrum, we could make this measurement very
accurately. But also because it is such a “rich” spectrum, we had
to identify scores of iron lines between each laser line. This took
some time. A year after we did this, I discovered, tucked away
on a shelf in the HRL library, the Vatican photographic atlas
of the iron spectrum, all conveniently broken into segments in-
tended to match your spectrographic plate so you do not have to
identify any iron lines, just match the pictures!
One group of lines remains a puzzle, even to this day. When
we went to higher and higher pulsed currents in xenon, we noted
some strong lines in the blue and green [13]. These were not to
be found in the spectroscopic literature as far as we could deter-
mine. I was visiting Washington, DC, in July 1964 and stopped
by the National Bureau of Standards (NBS) to visit Charlotte
Moore Sitterly, who was widely known for her publications of
atomic and ionic energy levels. [15]. I had used the references
from the 1930s by Curtis J. Humphreys at NBS for the identifi-
Fig. 3. Periodic table of the elements, with those that work as ion lasers shown
shaded (as of 1982).
cation of lines in Xe II and Xe III [16]–[18], and I thought that
he might have left some unpublished lists with Dr. Sitterly. As it
was, she did not have any listings for the unknown xenon lines
we had observed, but said, “Oh, Curtis took all his notes with
him when he left for the Naval Ordnance Laboratory facility in
Corona, CA.” When I returned to California, I telephoned him,
and he confirmed he had observed all the xenon wavelengths
we had seen lase, but that he had not published them, since he
could not identify them. Many other groups have reproduced
these laser lines and puzzled over them (see [3, Section 2.2.3]
for references to work through 1979). But no one has identi-
fied them beyond the initial guess that they are from “Xe IV”
the spectrum of triply ionized xenon. Even a laser product pro-
ducing these lines at 2 W average power was marketed [19]!
Later, more “Xe IV” and possibly “Xe V” and “Kr IV” lines in
the vacuum ultraviolet were added to this list of puzzles by Mar-
ling at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratories [20].
By mid 1964, there were many researchers working on ion
lasers with all sorts of ions. Since then, almost everything that
is a gas at room temperature or can be vaporized easily, or can
be produced by dissociating a gas molecule, or can be sputtered
into a discharge, has been made to lase as an ion. These elements
tend to cluster on the right-hand side of the Periodic Chart, as
seen in Fig. 3. Art Chester and I collected what had been re-
ported by ourselves and others by mid 1964 [21], again in 1971
[22], and again in 1982 [23]. The excitation mechanisms for var-
ious ion lasers, as they were understood in 1979, were described
in [3, Sections 2.2 and 2.4], which also has about 350 literature
citations for ion lasers through 1979. The most recent listing of
ion laser wavelengths is [24]. Table I gives a time line for the
discovery of the various gaseous ion lasers indicated in Fig. 3.
Given the hundreds of wavelengths originating from scores of
ions, it may seem surprising that only the noble gases, particu-
larly argon and krypton, saw extensive commercial application.
Neon and xenon among the noble gases were worth a try in the
early days, but both discharges proved to be tough to tame, and
tended to tear up the walls of the discharge tube structure. And
they offered little advantage over argon and krypton in power
output or wavelength selection. The only other ion laser that re-
BRIDGES: ION LASERS—THE EARLY YEARS
889
TABLE I
T
IME
L
INE FOR
D
ISCOVERY OF
G
ASEOUS
I
ON
L
ASERS
1963–1980
ceived serious commercial development was the cadmium ion
laser, originally discovered by William T. Silfvast [25] during
his doctoral research at the University of Utah, and developed
later when he joined Bell Laboratories [26]. This is largely due
to the more benign nature of the discharge conditions that op-
timize the laser’s performance. The helium–cadmium ion laser
operates more in the regime of the helium–neon laser discharge
than the argon ion laser discharge. See [3, Sec. 2.4] for a discus-
sion of mechanisms and a guide to the literature.
The chemical reactivity of many materials precludes their use
in a practical commercial product. This is especially true of the
Group VIIA halogens, which have many lasing wavelengths in
the UV and visible, as well as the Group IIIA through VIA el-
ements. Some of these are solid at room temperature, but can
be obtained from gaseous molecules, for example, S from SF
,
[27] or P from PF
[28]. Other solid materials can be sput-
tered in hollow-cathode discharges, such as Ni, Cu, Ag, and Au
[29]–[32].
There are fewer ion lasers on the left-hand side of the periodic
chart. Only the Group IIA elements lase as ions. The Group IA
elements are conspicuous by their absence. Given the ease with
which sodium can be used in a discharge, it is puzzling why no
ion laser lines have been seen from the various ions of sodium.
The spectrum of singly ionized sodium, Na II, is similar to the
spectrum of neutral neon, Ne I, and that of doubly ionized potas-
sium, K III, should be similar to that of singly ionized argon.
Perhaps it is the lower ionization potential of the neutral Na or
K that keeps the electron temperature in the discharge lower than
in the corresponding noble-gas discharges, and thus hinders the
electron-collision excitation of the ionic levels. In the 1960s,
HRL was engaged in the development of electric space propul-
sion using cesium ions. We had a lot of cesium metal readily
available, so it was a natural experiment to put some in a dis-
charge tube and excite it under the same conditions as a simple
pulsed argon ion laser. We used an existing glass discharge tube.
Unfortunately, the cesium tended to disappear quickly into the
glass walls of the discharge tube! We decided such a laser would
not be practical, even if we were successful, so we abandoned
the effort.
I have always considered the discovery of still more ion lasers
a bit of unfinished business. In 1965, Art Chester and I consid-
ered how easy it would be to make ionized radon lase. The only
thing that stood in the way was the HRL management, who re-
fused to consider the required “hot lab.” (Radon has a half-life
of four days, so you have to work quickly!). The demonstra-
tion of laser oscillation on the higher ionization states of the
right-hand side of the Periodic Chart should only require higher
discharge currents. Likewise, I think lasing on the ions of Group
IA elements is only a matter of technical persistence. Even the
metals of Group IIIB through Group VIIIB, and the refractory
metals of group VIII should produce some laser action, provided
you can sputter the atoms into the discharge. But the biggest
obstacle to discovering new ion laser lines is likely disinterest!
Anything new will just be a laboratory curiosity. The field has
moved on, with argon and krypton serving in the trenches for
35 years, waiting for a more efficient diode-pumped solid-state
laser to displace these monsters from the technical workplace.
I believe there is room for an army of graduate students to dis-
cover new ion lasers, but I also believe they would have trouble
finding employment after graduation!
V. C
ONTINUOUS
O
PERATION
Ion lasers would have remained a laboratory curiosity if they
could be operated only as pulsed discharges. However, con-
tinuous operation is possible and practical, although that fact
was not evident at first. My early pulsed tubes used very low
pressures of argon, typically 50 mtorr in a 3-mm-diameter dis-
charge tube. Discharge currents were tens of amperes at first,
then 100–200 A or more. The voltage drop along a 1-m tube
was of the order of 1000 V. So initially, we were dealing with
10-kW pulses at the minimum. This posed much different tech-
nical problems than a typical helium–neon discharge.
The first continuous operation was obtained by Eugene I.
Gordon and Edward F. Labuda at Bell Telephone Laboratories,
and published by Gordon, Labuda, and Bridges [33]. The se-
quence of events leading up to the publication are a bit unusual,
and are as follows: I had discussed my Hg II laser results with
Gordon in early February on a visit to BTL, as mentioned above,
and I met him again at an IEEE Committee meeting Easter week
of March 1964. At that meeting I gave him a preprint of both my
argon paper [8] and my krypton/xenon paper [12], and we dis-
cussed my results. I noted that argon lased with the current pulse
whether in pure argon, or argon with neon or helium as a buffer
gas, suggesting direct electron excitation was a mechanism. I
also opined that argon might be a candidate for continuous op-
eration, but that the power required would be much too high
(exhibiting my “helium–neon” state of mind).
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IEEE JOURNAL OF SELECTED TOPICS IN QUANTUM ELECTRONICS, VOL. 6, NO. 6, NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2000
Gordon had more faith than I had! A week or so after the
meeting, I received a telephone call from Gordon, saying that
they had argon oscillating continuously, with about 1 A in a
small-bore discharge tube. The output was less than a milliwatt
but was increasing rapidly with current up to the maximum
the tube could handle. Gordon generously volunteered to add
my name to the paper he and Labuda were writing, but I told
him I would like to contribute more to the work, and that
we had a much bigger power supply at our disposal. Gordon
and Labuda started writing, and Hodge and I started making a
suitable tube at HRL. At first, we tried an air-cooled fused-silica
discharge tube, but the discharge “got away from us,” with
a spectacular display of a traveling fireball that went up and
down the length of the tube, destroying it utterly in seconds.
The next attempt took a few days to build, and resulted in
“tube C” in the publication. This tube was a water-cooled
fused-silica tube, 2.5 mm in inside diameter and about 20 cm
long, and it would survive up to 15 A or so of discharge
current. We obtained about 50-mW output total on the argon
blue–green ion lines. But we could get 80 mW out each end
on the blue–green lines of krypton, and similar outputs on the
lines of xenon. The draft of the paper went back and forth by
mail over a few weeks, to collect the measurements on “Tube
A” and “Tube B” at BTL, and “Tube C” at HRL, and then off to
Applied Physics Letters
. By another unfortunate coincidence,
the paper by Bennett and his group on “Quasi-CW” operation
of argon [10], the extension of their previously rejected paper
that had collided with my original argon paper, now collided
with our CW paper in the APL Editor’s office. This time, the
Editor (wisely, in my opinion) decided not to reject the Bennett
group’s paper again, and the two were published back-to-back
in the May issue of APL. From time to time, people have
asked me how it came to be that groups at Bell Labs and
Hughes “cooperated” in the demonstration of the first CW
argon ion laser. The above is the story.
VI. H
OW
I
ON
L
ASERS
W
ORK
It is impossible to give all the details in one paper. Instead, I
will attempt to summarize briefly what we know about argon ion
laser mechanisms, most of which we learned in the last half of
the 1960s. For a guide to the literature about other ion lasers, see
[3, Sections 2.2 and 2.4], for example, or the extensive reviews
by Dunnand Ross [34] and Davis and King [35].
Research in the early years was directed at determining the
pathways by which the upper laser levels were excited and the
lower laser levels destroyed. Closely coupled to this was research
to determine the gas discharge parameters, such as electron
temperature, ion temperature, electron density, and the atomic
parameters of collision cross section, transition probabilities,
etc. The goal was, of course, to make a mathematical model
that would predict the observed behavior with diameter, length,
current, pressure, etc. It is fair to say we did not completely
succeed, although we know enough to make successful ion
lasers, which is the engineering goal in any case.
The first pathway proposal was published by Bennett
et al.
[10], and is illustrated in Fig. 4(b). They proposed that the
upper laser level was excited from the argon ground state (37
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
Fig. 4.
Four different proposed excitation pathways for argon ion laser upper
levels.
eV) by collision with single high-energy electron and that the
preferred upper level would be the 4p
P
level, based on
a “sudden perturbation” calculation. This would predict that
the 476-nm line of Ar II would oscillate. In fact, this is the
strongest line when a pulsed discharge is operated at very
low gas pressure, the condition which produces a high value
of E/p (electric field to gas pressure ratio) that yields high
electron energies in a discharge. However, it does not explain
why the 488 and 515-nm lines oscillate, much less why they
are the strongest lines in the usual operation of the CW argon
ion laser, at much smaller E/p.
The “two-step” scheme illustrated in Fig. 4(a) was first pro-
posed by Labuda, Gordon and Miller [36], based on the obser-
vation that well above threshold the laser output power varies
as the square of the discharge current, suggesting that two suc-
cessive electron collisions were involved. The electron energies
implied by Fig. 4(a) are still pretty high compared to the elec-
tron temperatures later measured for typical argon ion laser dis-
charges, however (a few electronvolts). One can argue that step
1 may, in fact, be a very complicated series of substeps involving
much lower electron energies, ultimately resulting in having the
ion ground state population proportional to the discharge current
(which is really required by the overall condition of charge neu-
trality for the discharge in any case). But step 2 would require
electron energies greater than 20 eV. In fact, typical collision
cross sections for electric-dipole-allowed transitions may peak
as much as 100 eV above the threshold energy. Even worse, the
ion ground state is a 3p
state and has the same parity as the
4p upper laser levels, thus making step 2 a “forbidden” process.
Of course, no process is really forbidden, but the cross section
BRIDGES: ION LASERS—THE EARLY YEARS
891
should be much lower. However, for forbidden transitions, the
cross section typically peaks just above threshold, not 100 eV
above threshold, thus favoring 20 eV electrons, not 120 eV elec-
trons (see [37] for actual measurements of these cross sections).
The scheme illustrated in Fig. 4(c) is a refinement by Labuda
et al.
[38]. The “first electron” is again the sum of the processes
that create an ion ground state proportional to the discharge cur-
rent. Labuda
et al.
measured large ion metastable level popu-
lations that are closely coupled to the ion ground state due to
the rapid electron collisional creation and destruction processes.
Thus these metastable level populations also are proportional to
the discharge current. Some of these metastable levels are con-
nected to the 4p upper laser levels by allowed transitions re-
quiring only 3-eV electrons for excitation. This is the “second
electron” that results in the square law variation with discharge
current.
The above model seemed to explain the observations, until
Robert I. Rudko, a graduate student of Prof. C. L. Tang at Cor-
nell, measured the spontaneous radiation intensities of all the
transitions cascading into the 4p upper laser levels and all those
coming out of the 4p levels, in a nonlasing discharge. Rudko
and Tang concluded that about 50% of the population of the 4p
levels resulted from this cascade from higher lying states, as in-
dicated in Fig. 4(d) [39]. A. Stevens Halsted and I repeated this
measurement for one of our laboratory tubes, and concluded the
percentage was about 30% [40], not as great but still a very sig-
nificant fraction. The conclusion was that all the processes indi-
cated in Fig. 4 contribute, with relative contributions changing
according to the particular discharge geometry and conditions.
Many measurements and calculations of the plasma condi-
tions in argon ion laser discharges were made early on, espe-
cially by Gordon’s group at Bell Labs, and Sobolev’s group at
the Lebedev Institute [41], as well as the group at HRL. Ref-
erence [3] gives a guide to the extensive literature from these
groups and others. A short summery of plasma characteristics
is given in [42], by Chester, Halsted, Parker, and myself. The
actual numbers vary with discharge geometry, operating pres-
sure and current, but ballpark figures for a smaller laser are:
Electron temperature 2–3 eV (23 000–35 000K);
Ion temperature 0.2 eV (2300K);
Gas temperature 0.15 eV (1700K);
Electron density: a few
cm
(plasma frequency of
50 GHz);
Neutral density: a few
cm
Those familiar with discharge physics will recognize that ex-
periments on plasmas with these parameters are definitely not
easy. There was clearly a relationship between the ability to do
such experiments and the engineering of practical ion laser dis-
charge techniques and materials. In this case, scientific research
and engineering development went hand in hand.
To make matters worse, such discharge parameters result in
strong “pumping” of the gas in the discharge by ion drift (to-
ward the cathode) and electron collision momentum transfer
(toward the anode). Gas pressure gradients can develop in ei-
ther direction, depending on the discharge current, and these
can also be unstable. Gordon and Labuda were the first to rec-
ognize this problem, and also provided the answer in a “gas
return path” from one end of the tube to another, outside the
main gas discharge column to equalize the gas pressure [43]. At
HRL, Halsted made extensive measurements of gas return path
parameters [40], [42] and Chester, then in Gordon’s group at
BTL did likewise [45]. However, the problem is not as simple
as equalizing the pressure. Experiments made during the course
of developing a high-power UV ion laser [44] indicate that fully
equalizing the pressure between the active region and the elec-
trode regions is not a good thing; instead, the gas flow geometry
must equalize the pressure in the two electrode regions, but pro-
mote a differential between the active (small diameter) bore re-
gion, and the electrode regions. Modern commercial disk bore
ion lasers have carefully controlled gas flow geometries, and
these are usually proprietary with each manufacturer.
VII. A
RGON
I
ON
L
ASER
E
NGINEERING
A. The Pulsed Era
Hughes was anxious to get some publicity for the discovery of
the argon ion laser, and the first opportunity we had to exhibit
it was at the Hughes Corporate booth at the July 1964 Amer-
ican Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (AIAA) show in
Washington, D.C. This was hardly the ideal place to exhibit a
new laser, but it was the first up. Robert Hodge and I built a small
pulsed ion laser for the show. The laser output was about 1 W
peak, and about 1 mW average over the blue–green argon lines.
Few visitors to the booth had a clue what they were seeing. The
typical question was “Where’s the ruby?” The next opportunity
we had for an exhibit was the IEEE WESCON show in Los An-
geles in August 1964. We set up the same laser for a much more
technically appreciative audience, and got a lot of attention. Un-
fortunately, we also received some unwanted attention from the
National Radio Company booth next to the Hughes booth. Na-
tional was exhibiting their latest communications receiver, and
our unshielded pulser wiring, which had radiated unnoticed at
the AIAA show (largely devoid of electronics exhibits) was now
blasting the receiver next door! We were off the air for a day,
shielding everything, but returned the next day with the RFI
gone.
This small pulsed argon ion laser was the basis for a “product”
from HRL. We had so many requests for a blue laser from inside
HRL and elsewhere at Hughes, that Hodge and I decided to en-
gineer a version suitable for manufacture. We handbuilt several
of these units in 1964 as the HRL “Model 40” before the Hughes
Electron Dynamics Division (EDD) took over the effort as the
Hughes “Model 3040H” in a much classier-looking package.
These small pulsed tubes were originally very short lived, since
the discharge sputtered the fused-silica walls rather badly, espe-
cially in the “throat” region, and the sputtered material “buried”
the argon gas. Thus the 50 mtorr of argon gas fill would be gone
in 100 hours or so of operation. With Hughes EDD, we devel-
oped a cheap gas refill system, consisting of measured “doses”
of argon sealed in glass ampoules, contained inside a soft copper
tubular appendage. When the laser “went dry,” you could break
one of these ampoules by squeezing the copper tube with a pair
of pliers. This may seem pretty crude, but it is no different in
principle from the electronically controlled valve “burp” system
still used in commercial argon ion lasers!
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IEEE JOURNAL OF SELECTED TOPICS IN QUANTUM ELECTRONICS, VOL. 6, NO. 6, NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2000
Given the short life of our tubes, you can imagine our
enthusiasm for a customer that approached us in 1966 with a
requirement for an argon ion laser that “only needed to operate
for a single pulse.” The folks at Los Alamos wanted us to build
a pulsed laser for instrumentation in an underground nuclear
test. They needed 10 W or more output for a single 50
s pulse.
Hodge and I thought this would be a piece of cake, so we took
the job and built a longer, larger diameter pulsed tube. Los
Alamos ordered four tubes, so they could do some life testing
in the lab and have spares. They developed their own “high
reliability” pulsed power supplies. Some months later, Hughes
EDD decided to “productize” this more powerful laser as the
model 3041H. Still later, we received a panic phone call from
Los Alamos. They had “life tested” all four lasers, and now
they were all used up, gas ampoules and all. We referred them
to A. Gene Peifer at EDD to work out a “loan” of the 3041H
prototype. After all, what could go wrong? The laser was to be
located safely in the surface instrument shack. Unfortunately,
this was one of those tests that did not quite go as planned, and
the “test” swallowed the 3041H prototype. Los Alamos had to
buy that fifth laser after all.
B. CW Argon Ion Laser Engineering and Applications
Of course, the pulsed ion lasers were only stopgap devices,
to serve niche applications and to act as standins for the real
challenge: a practical CW ion laser. In that, we were truly in at
the beginning. Even before our CW paper [33] appeared, our
colleagues at the Hughes Aerospace Group in Culver City, CA,
knew about our results and came to Malibu for a visit. They had
an application in mind that required “high” CW power in the vis-
ible. A year before, Perkin–Elmer Corporation had developed
a line-scanning night reconnaissance system using a “heroic”
100-mW helium–neon laser, two 2-m discharge tubes in a folded
path. In such a system, the laser beam is directed downward,
and a high-speed rotating mirror scans the beam from side to
side across the flight path. The aircraft motion supplies the scan
along the aircraft track. The received reflected light intensity
is recorded on film as “video” with a similar raster scan, and
the result is a long strip map of the ground overflown by the
aircraft, just like a daytime strip camera photo. A history of
the Perkin–Elmer line scanning systems is given in [46]. The
Hughes group was very interested, but concluded that 100 mW
of red light was not really enough and that there was no further
development possible for the helium–neon laser. Thus, when we
had demonstrated more than 100 mW of blue–green output, they
decided they should now develop a similar system.
Our first joint argon laser objective for the fall of 1964 was
200-mW output in a package rugged enough to fly. By July,
we had over 200 mW out of a simple water-cooled fused silica.
Of course, now that the systems group was serious, they were
building additional margin into their design, and asked for 400
mW. Since the output power seemed to be increasing as the
square of the discharge current, it seemed reasonable to us that
we could meet this objective, too, and we did. But when they
upped the ante to two watts, we decided it was time to have a talk
with their optical designer! It turned out that he was not familiar
with Gaussian beams, so he had chosen to expand the beam and
chop off the tails, so he could work with a more familiar “top
hat” transverse distribution! I recall we had to “educate” him
about the inherent merits of Gaussian beams. But we also gave
the systems people their two watts.
It became clear that fused-silica walls in the discharge tube
were not going to allow an indefinite increase in the discharge
current, and the sputtering by ions accelerated across the dis-
charge wall sheath (10 to 20 eV) resulted in severe erosion and
gas cleanup, even at the CW operating pressure of about 0.5
torr. Since our department at HRL, headed by Donald C. Forster,
also did research and development in millimeter-wave vacuum
tubes [47], it was only natural to feel that a proper ion laser
should be an all-metal–ceramic device. We undertook the de-
sign of such a device in the summer of 1964, in parallel with the
push toward higher powers using fused-silica tubes made in the
HRL glass shop. Most metal–ceramic vacuum tubes use poly-
crystalline aluminum oxide (alumina) as the ceramic, and this is
where we began. It was not long before we were breaking alu-
mina discharge tube bores right and left. Unfortunately, when
the discharge strikes, the bore has to conduct 200–400 W of heat
per centimeter of length, radially outward toward the coolant
jacket. We originally thought thermal shock was the culprit, but
later we concluded that it was stress caused by the thermal gra-
dient in the poorly conducting alumina.
We spent months trying to improve the design, and learn
how to “turn the discharge on slowly.” Still, the end result was
invariably broken tubes. The date for the first flight test of a
prototype Hughes system was fast approaching, so we stuffed
a laboratory-type fused-silica laser (complete with an argon
bottle and a refilling valve) into the box the system’s people had
built for us, and hoped for the best. The system was flown in
1965 in the bomb bay of a B-47 from Wright–Patterson AFB,
and performed beautifully. I no longer have the imagery from
those tests, but I do recall that we caught the image of a military
service mechanic asleep spread-eagle on the tarmac beside his
plane one night overflying the flight line. To make
our
nights
even less restful, in the middle of this test program, the Air
Force brass decided that all the WPAFB test pilots needed
landing practice, and the B-47 with our system aboard was
chosen as the training aircraft. Our “fragile” fused-silica laser
did touch-and-go’s at WPAFB for two weeks...and survived!
While we were engaged in developing a “flight-qualified”
CW ion laser, others were doing the same for commercial sales.
As far as I can tell, Raytheon was the first to advertise a CW
argon ion laser for sale in late 1964. I have a brochure and letter
in my file, dated February 1965, offering the Raytheon LG-12
for $27 500. Their design used a glass-blown fused-silica dis-
charge tube and produced 1 W. The operating life was guaran-
teed for 100 hours, the laser head weighed 80 lbs, and the power
supply 600 lbs!
During 1964 and 1965, I had several telephone conversations
with Earl Bell at Spectra Physics, who was engaged in their CW
argon ion laser development project. Mostly, we commiserated
on approaches that did not work. I told him of the thermal shock
problems with standard alumina, and he told me of his problems
getting a straight bore of beryllium oxide (beryllia). This neg-
ative view of beryllia was unfortunate for both of us, since we
BRIDGES: ION LASERS—THE EARLY YEARS
893
Fig. 5. Schematic view of a segmented metal-bore ion laser discharge tube developed at Bell Telephone Laboratories in 1965 (from [36]).
both later made successful beryllia-bore discharge tubes, but for
1964–1965, we avoided the material.
A major breakthrough in CW discharge engineering was
made in 1965 by Labuda, Gordon, and Miller at Bell Labs
[36]. While it seems counterintuitive, you can make the walls
of the discharge tube out of metal, provided you break the
length of the discharge tube into short electrically floating
segments. Labuda made a design with short molybdenum
tubes, supported in the center of disk-like cooling fins, as
shown in Fig. 5. The assembly of disks was then fitted into
a large-diameter fused-silica vacuum envelope, with the fins
radiating heat through the envelope.
Fresh from his Ph.D. at Stanford, A. Stevens Halstead
joined HRL and the ion laser research and development
activity. Shortly thereafter, we adapted Labuda’s design to
use molybdenum “slugs” contained in a one-inch i.d. alumina
vacuum envelope. Thus we would have our all-metal–ceramic
tube, without exposing the alumina to the thermal shock from
striking the discharge. But we were not home free, since
deposits of sputtered molybdenum “shorted out” the slugs at
the alumina wall, thus limiting operating life. The search for
a lower sputtering rate material lead naturally to tungsten, but
fabrication of machined shapes in tungsten is not easy. HRL
had experience in machining precise tungsten shapes from
sintered porous tungsten, with the pores filled with copper as
a machining lubricant. The copper is boiled out in a vacuum
furnace after machining. We tried “slugs” made of this material,
which proved to be low sputtering indeed. Unfortunately, some
copper always remained in the pores, and gradually evaporated
out and deposited on the envelope walls, again shorting out the
discharge.
About this time, James R. Fendley, Jr., and Karl G. Hern-
qvist at RCA Laboratories reported an argon ion laser made with
graphite “slugs” that had even lower sputtering yield than tung-
sten [48]. This we also tried, and found that the graphite was
a low sputtering material as advertised, but it had a tendency
to flake off powder with time. While this might not have been
a problem in a commercial laboratory tube sitting on a work-
bench (RCA and later Coherent sold quite a few), it was not
going to be suitable for an airborne-qualified laser! We tried a
number of variations including pyrolytic graphite and pyrolytic
graphite overcoated with CVD tungsten. None of these bore ma-
terials and configurations worked very well. All of the above en-
gineering developments are documented in a series of Air Force
reports, and summarized in two final reports [40], [49].
The next breakthrough in ion laser engineering was the
discovery by Huchital and Rigden that the discharge walls,
whether continuous insulating material or metal segments,
could be replaced with a series of thin metal disks with holes
[50]. Of course, this only worked if a strong magnetic field
was used to confine the discharge, but such fields were already
used to improve the power output. With this geometry, low
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IEEE JOURNAL OF SELECTED TOPICS IN QUANTUM ELECTRONICS, VOL. 6, NO. 6, NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2000
Fig. 6.
Photograph of a metal/ceramic argon ion laser discharge tube using radiation cooled tungsten disks, prior to assembly. This tube was develope
d at the
Hughes Research Laboratories for the AN/AVD-3 night reconnaissance system, 1967–1970.
sputtering tungsten could now be used, since very little ma-
chining is required to make a disk with a hole in it. This was
the structure we adopted for the airborne-qualified laser for the
follow-on Hughes development night reconnaissance system,
the AN/AVD-3. A photo of the discharge tube parts prior to
assembly is shown in Fig. 6, with the series of thin tungsten
disks (about one inch in diameter) stacked for insertion into the
alumina vacuum envelope. The metal can at the left contained
the thermionic cathode. This system was successfully flown in
1968–1970 with excellent results, but it was never funded for
production. (The Air Force did not like the idea of modifying
RF-4’s to route several gallons per minute of laser coolant
through bulkheads from the camera compartment in the nose to
the heat exchangers in the wing fuel tanks.) With the demise of
this application as a driver for development, we ended the ion
laser work at HRL. Halsted left HRL to join the Hughes Elec-
tron Dynamics Division and continued with the development of
a third-generation airborne argon ion laser using a beryllia-bore
discharge tube for the Air Force Materials Laboratory (AFML)
at WPAFB. But since there was no longer a system application,
that effort ended with the delivery of 13 lasers to AFML [51].
That design eventually became the first Hughes commercial
CW argon ion laser product, the Hughes EDD 4066H, in 1975.
However, EDD withdrew from the argon market completely
about 1976.
VIII. H
EROIC
N
UMBERS
No report on the early days would be complete without men-
tioning the winners in the power race. Many groups, including
HRL, made it to the 10–20-W level by 1966, but the overall
U.S.A. winner was Jim Fendley and J. J. O’Grady at RCA, who
delivered a 100–W CW output laser to the U. S. Army [52] in
1970. Their tube design used a 2.5-m stack of radiation-cooled
graphite disks, with 6.4-mm diameter holes and a discharge cur-
rent of 90 A. The overall international winner is V. I. Donin and
his group in the Soviet Union, who reported a 500-W CW output
argon ion laser in 1973 [53]. This tube was 16 mm in diameter
and 1.5 m long, and ran at 390-A discharge current with an effi-
ciency of 0.2%. The walls used alumina coatings on aluminum
disks that were stacked and directly water cooled. As far as I
know, this is still the record for a gaseous ion laser.
IX. S
OME
I
DEAS
T
HAT
D
ID
N
OT
W
ORK
O
UT
In 1965, Earl Bell reported a novel excitation method for
pulsed ion lasers. He used the discharge bore and a gas return
path as a rectangular-shaped one-turn secondary winding of a
ferrite core transformer [54]. This had the advantage of being
an “electrodeless” discharge, eliminating any problems with the
anode and cathode of a conventional dc discharge (which also
meant that chemically active elements like the halogens could be
used in the discharge). When he ran into problems with beryllia
in his CW laser development, he extended this “one-turn” sec-
ondary to CW lasers, using high-power r–f at 41 MHz, air-core
coupled with a few turns of heavy copper tubing. This was the
basis of Spectra Physics’ first commercial argon ion laser [55].
However, this product only lasted a year or so due to insuffi-
cient operating life. While the Brewster’s angle windows were
located in side arms away from the main “turn” of the discharge,
there was sufficient r–f floating around to produce mild dis-
charges in these side arms. Initially this was deemed to be a good
BRIDGES: ION LASERS—THE EARLY YEARS
895
thing, to have the discharge “wash” the windows of any con-
tamination. Unfortunately, it also ion-etched the windows and
turned them into negative lenses in a couple of hundred hours,
so that the optical cavity would become unstable [56]!
Argon ion lasers have been excited by several different
means, ranging from microwave-driven discharges [57], mi-
crowave cyclotron resonance [58], and
-pinch discharges
[59]–[61], among others. Even a theta-pinch fusion machine
was used to make an argon ion laser. Unfortunately, the power
into the pinch had to be throttled to ridiculously low powers
to make the conventional Ar II and Ar III lines lase. At its
“normal” fusion-research level, the emission (nonlasing) was
all in the short wavelength ultraviolet on unidentified lines from
very high ionization states of argon [62]. For the last 35 years,
the simple dc discharge has been the workhorse of commercial
argon ion lasers.
The engineering development of dc discharges for ion lasers
is fraught with ideas (amusing in retrospect) that did not work
out, and we recount a few here.
In our frustration with thermal shock in alumina as a dis-
charge bore material in 1964, we made a laser discharge tube
with a boron nitride (BN) bore, press fit into a water-cooled
copper vacuum jacket. Solid boron nitride, made from
hot-pressed BN powder, seemed an ideal material, since it
was very resistant to thermal shock and easily machinable. It
lived up to our expectations in these regards. Unfortunately the
discharge would erode the powdered material in a few tens of
hours, and the powder would be electrostatically suspended in
a small “cloud” on the optical axis, thus shutting off the optical
path through the tube. We only built one.
During early environmental testing of the laser for the
AN/AVD-3, we discovered that the laser output would disap-
pear at high altitudes in the test chamber. It could be regained
by realigning the mirrors. The problem was that we had
oriented the Brewster’s angle windows on the two ends of the
tube to “face up,” since this made them easy to clean in the
laboratory. This turns the tube into a weak negative prism, with
the environmental air as the “denser” material. Removing the
air simply misaligned the cavity. The solution was to make
one window “face up” and the other “face down” so they
were exactly parallel. We note that all commercial ion lasers
have both windows “face up” for easy cleaning, requiring
realignment with changing altitude.
In the early all-fused-silica discharge tubes, the coolant in
the water jacket is exposed to intense ultraviolet from the dis-
charge. This was brought home to us painfully, when the plant
engineering staff at HRL shut us down. It seems that this UV
light polymerized the anti-algae agent they added to the cooling
water to keep the cooling tower clean, and we had been creating
“sludge” in their system for months. Needless to say, they were
very unhappy with us when they finally discovered what was
happening.
X. O
THER
E
ARLY
I
ON
L
ASER
A
PPLICATIONS
In the period 1964 to 1970, many applications using gaseous
ion lasers were pursued by research and development groups
worldwide. These included projection color TV, high-speed data
recording on film, eye surgery (see the excellent review by E.
I. Gordon elsewhere in this special issue), dye laser pumping,
even disco light shows! Hughes being an aerospace firm, our
customers were usually government agencies.
In these early years, HRL built several “one-off” CW argon
ion lasers for various applications. We built a 1-W laser in 1965
for a prototype laser space communications system developed
by the Hughes Aerospace Group for NASA Houston. This
system used digital polarization modulation at 30 Mb/s to
transmit one video channel. When demonstrated over the
“four-mile range” at the Hughes Culver City facility, we had
to add 30-dB optical attenuation to keep the detectors from
saturating. We estimated this system would have provided
a 30-Mb/s channel to the moon. We built a CW argon ion
laser system for NASA Huntsville in 1966 for space illumi-
nation experiments from a small telescope dome there. The
biggest problem with this particular system was building a
coolant-to-air heat exchanger that would work 100 feet away
from the laser and the dome, and would not freeze in the
Huntsville winters.
About 1968, the Hughes systems people embarked on a dif-
ferent airborne application, a forward-looking imaging system
that used a 2-W argon ion laser scanned in a TV-like raster,
with a synchronously scanned receiving telescope. HRL was
again enlisted to provide a qualified laser for this system. Our
laser design was essentially the same as that for the AN/AVD-3
line scanner, but the package had to be different because the
laser was now to be mounted on the outer skin of the aircraft! It
seems that there was not enough room in the nose for the scan-
ning optics and the laser too, so we were relegated to the slip-
stream. Fig. 7 is a picture of a Douglas A-26 of the “Hughes Air
Force,” with the system installed, and our laser mounted on the
outside (arrow). The beak-like assembly is an optical window
that allowed the system to be pointed at angles between straight
ahead and straight down. One night this system was flown from
the Hughes airstrip in Culver City, CA, to San Diego, to ren-
dezvous with and image a submarine surfaced off shore. This
was done, and then the pilot decided to fly back to Culver City
with the system pointed straight down, using the TV display of
the highway to chart his way back. A later version of this system
was to add range-finding capability on any pixel of the raster by
pulsing the laser to ultraviolet output for that pixel [63]. This
latter system was not built, although the concept was demon-
strated at HRL.
From time to time in 1965–1970, we would get requests
for proposals for underwater applications. The argon ion
blue–green lines are in the optical “window” for water centered
around 470–500 nm (depending on where the water is located
geographically). We would respond with designs ranging from
simple modifications of our airborne systems to proposed de-
velopment of 100-W and 1000-W output ion lasers. (Operation
from an underwater platform seemed attractive since infinite
cooling capacity was readily available, or so we imagined.)
None of these ideas got beyond the proposal stage. Eventually
cooler heads would prevail and realize that light attenuates very
rapidly when it decays exponentially with distance, with
lengths of 5 to 20 meters, rather than as an inverse square law.
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IEEE JOURNAL OF SELECTED TOPICS IN QUANTUM ELECTRONICS, VOL. 6, NO. 6, NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2000
Fig. 7.
Forward-looking laser imaging system which used a TV-like raster
scan. The argon ion laser is mounted on the outside of the aircraft skin (arrow).
This system was built by the Hughes Aircraft Company, Aerospace Division,
CA, 1968.
One last laser “application” is worth special mention. In 1967,
Prof. C. O. Alley of the University of Maryland considered
directing a ruby laser at the Hughes/JPL/NASA Surveyor VII
spacecraft, then sitting on the surface of the moon. That craft
had successfully completed all its mission requirements and had
(unexpectedly) survived the lunar night. It had a video camera
aboard to view “digging in the lunar soil,” but the camera could
also be oriented to view the earth. And it was just sitting there,
with nothing to do. Michael Shumate of Caltech’s JPL sug-
gested to Alley that he needed a CW ion laser rather than a
pulsed ruby laser, since the chances of the Surveyor camera’s
video scan coinciding with the arrival of a pulse were next to
zero. Alley called all around the country looking for a laser
to borrow, but most groups (including us) had only laboratory
lash-ups at that early date. He eventually found one to borrow at
Spectra Physics, one of their r–f excited units. However, all his
telephone calls stimulated an interest in participating, even if it
meant dealing with our laboratory “kluges.” With Shumate as
our team leader, we moved our laboratory 2-W tube up to Table
Mountain near Wrightwood, CA, where JPL had a small obser-
vatory with a 24-inch telescope. This was all done “after hours”
Fig. 8. Video frame of the earth, taken from the Surveyor VII spacecraft on
the moon, January 20, 1968. Several lasers are pointed at the camera from the
earth, but only the ones from Table Mountain (left arrow) and Kitt Peak (right
arrow) can be detected.
at HRL, and at no cost, since this was not an official program of
any sort for us.
We were not the only ones so moved to participate on their
own! On the night of the test in January 1968, several groups
were pointing telescopes and argon ion lasers at the moon (and,
hopefully, at the location of the Surveyor spacecraft): Alley was
at Kitt Peak National Observatory, using the McMath 60-inch
Solar telescope and a borrowed 2-W Spectra Physics laser; a
group at Raytheon Research Laboratories at Waltham, MA, had
a laboratory laser with 60-W output, with the beam directed
out a window to a 4-inch portable telescope in the parking lot
(with ten undergraduate students from Wesleyan University to
help); a group at NASA Goddard, Greenbelt, MD, using a 10-W
RCA laser and an existing 5.5-inch satellite tracking telescope; a
group at Perkin-Elmer, Norwalk, CT, using a 2-W laser built by
Perkin–Elmer and Mr. R. Perkin’s personal 24-inch telescope; a
group at MIT Lincoln Laboratories, using a loaned 3.5-W Spac-
erays laser, and an 3-inch telescope with az–el gimbels; and our
gang at Table Mountain, CA, with a 2-W HRL-built laser and
the 24-inch telescope. Fig. 8 shows the result. The two white
spots indicated by the arrows are Table Mountain on the left
and Kitt Peak on the right. The groups on the east coast of the
U. S. are not seen (and further image processing by JPL failed to
bring them out). By the time the experiment was executed, the
pre-dawn sunlight provided an unfortunate background for the
East Coast groups. Another contributing factor was the skill re-
quired in pointing the telescope to the proper spot on the moon.
BRIDGES: ION LASERS—THE EARLY YEARS
897
Both our group and Alley’s had skilled astronomers directing
the telescope through a dichroic mirror at lunar features known
to be at the Surveyor location. After the experiment, the as-
tronomer directing our telescope let me look at these “features,”
which appeared to me as only a vague blur. I do not know how
he saw “craters.” A brief summary of this experiment is given
in [64].
XI. P
HILOSOPHICAL
O
BSERVATION
My intent in writing this paper was not to give a polished
summary of the theory and practice of ion lasers, but rather to
provide a historical account of “how it happened,” at least from
one person’s viewpoint. Some record should exist of the fits and
starts and dead-end ideas as well as the successes that lead to
the present state of an art. It should give some comfort to the
newcomer who may be intimidated by the very pat-sounding
development of science and technology typically given in the
classroom. Good people make mistakes, and learn from them.
And there is a tremendous thrill when everything finally works!
A
CKNOWLEDGMENT
The author would like to thank the people at HRL:
A. N. Chester, P. O. Clark, V. Evtuhov, H. R. Friedrich,
A. S. Halsted, R. B. Hodge, G. N. Mercer, J. K. Neeland,
J. V. Parker, M. R. Smith, R. Smith, D. Sobieralski, the De-
partment Manager D. C. Forster, and three different Laboratory
Directors during 1964–1972: M. R. Currie, L. M. Field,
and G. F. Smith. At Hughes Electron Dynamics Division:
D. E. Crane, D. D. Hallock, W. P. Kolb, A. G. Peifer. At the
Hughes Aerospace Group: J. C. Hill. At Bell Laboratories,
E. I. Gordon, E. F. Labuda, R. C. Miller, W. T. Silfvast,
C. E. Webb. At Spectra Physics: W. E. Bell, A. L. Bloom,
J. P. Goldsborough, R. C. Rempel. At RCA: J. R. Fendley, Jr.,
K. G. Hernqvist. At the Lebedev Institute: N. N. Sobolev; At
WPAFB: R. Firsdon, W. C. Schoonover. At JPL: M. S. Shu-
mate.
R
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